By Jeremy F. Lane
Within the final decade of his profession, the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu turned all in favour of a chain of high-profile political interventions, protecting the reason for extraordinary scholars and employees, talking out within the identify of unlawful immigrants, the homeless and the unemployed, tough the incursion of the industry into the sector of inventive and highbrow creation. the 1st sustained research of Bourdieu's politics, this learn seeks to evaluate the validity of his claims as to the individuality and superiority of his personal box conception as a device of political research.
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Extra resources for Bourdieu's Politics: Problems and Possiblities (Routledge Advances in Sociology)
These strikes won widespread support even among those members of the general public Neo-liberalism as ‘imposition’ and ‘invasion’? 21 who were most affected by the disruption to public services they brought. Numerous commentators argued that they were ‘strikes by proxy’, allowing those private-sector workers, who did not dare to strike themselves for fear of losing their jobs, to express their discontent at Chirac’s policies through their solidarity with the strikers (Caillé and Le Goff 1996: 99).
35 short, directly political interventions to embrace his more detailed contributions to social theory, will it be possible to engage more fully with this range of more theoretical questions. This, in turn, will enable us to begin to assess the contribution that Bourdieu’s social theory might have to make to political analysis more generally. 2 The poetics and politics of practice In Chapter 1, we noted the striking contrast between Bourdieu’s account of neo-liberalism and the analyses offered by a range of other commentators, from Boltanski and Chiapello, to Hall, and Laclau and Mouffe.
It was on this basis that the signatories of a rival petition to Bourdieu’s had lent their qualified support to Juppé. The signatories of the ‘Esprit petition’, so-called because it was launched by contributors to the journal of that name, thus maintained that Juppé’s reform ‘went in the direction of social justice’ (in Ross ed. 1996: 4). To point out that the strikers in 1995 were acting to defend gains that were not universal is not to question the legitimacy of their struggle to hold onto the particular pay and conditions they had managed to acquire over previous decades.